2 Introduction and Background
The mark of an eviction has long lasting consequences for individuals. It prevents households from being able to achieve favorable and affordable housing in good neighborhoods11 and leads to prolonged searches for housing12 13 that leave ample time for families to experience short-term and long-term homelessness.14 Studies show that at least 80% to 90% of households were evicted for falling behind on rent15 with about 1/3rd of households allocating at least 80% of their income to rent.16 17 In Seattle, Washington, many households were evicted for owing less than $100 in rent18 with most evictions occurring in diverse, gentrifying, and the lowest rent neighborhoods.19 At the household level, evictions are a function of low, stagnant wages (i.e. unchanging minimum, or just above minimum, wages) and inadequate public assistance not being able to compete with rising rents.20 The most vulnerable are women with children who have larger expenses but smaller incomes21 22 and persons of color.23
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Smith, Neil. The new urban frontier: Gentrification and the revanchist city. Routledge, 2005.↩
Curtis, Marah A., et al. “Life shocks and homelessness.” Demography 50.6 (2013): 2227-2253.↩
10% to 20% were for breaking rules.↩
Brophy, Paul C., and Rhonda N. Smith. “Mixed-income housing: Factors for success.” Cityscape (1997): 3-31.↩
Desmond, Matthew. “Unaffordable America: Poverty, housing, and eviction.” Fast Focus: Institute for Research on Poverty 22, no. 22 (2015): 1-6.↩
Thomas, Timothy Andrew. “Forced Out: Race, Market, and Neighborhood Dynamics of Evictions.” PhD diss., 2017.↩
Desmond, Matthew. “Eviction and the reproduction of urban poverty.” American Journal of Sociology 118, no. 1 (2012): 88-133.↩
Desmond, Matthew, Weihua An, Richelle Winkler, and Thomas Ferriss. “Evicting children.” Social Forces 92, no. 1 (2013): 303-327.↩